Expensive Health Care and Reform

When President Clinton went before a joint session of Congress to launch his health share reform plan in September, 1993, his audacity won applause, only when that was not enough to stifle the continuing dissension inside the administration everywhere the shape and toll of the plan (Garland & Magnusson, 1993, p. 44). there were many forces that shaped its development, and from the beginning, Clinton's health care plan was pronounced by delays and infighting. The President pulled back from seeking new revenues to entrepot health care, after the budget fight underscored public pride for new taxes. In addition, the budget battle kept economical advisors from spending time on the health plan.

For months, Clinton's health and semipolitical aides insisted on sticking with the President's campaign promise to give concoctage to all Americans without a broad tax increase. Economists, however, feared that the cost to employers of workers' coverage would kill jobs. They worried that the plan, based on what they called besides optimistic cost projections, would increase the deficit (Garland & Magnusson, 1993, p. 44). The economists appear to hurl lost this point because the President's proposal essentially ignores their objections.

With Hilary Clinton distracted by the death of her father, the plan was left to Ira C. Magaziner to formulate the President's plan. He acutely pursued the untested idea that squ

Yet the GOP does not have a cohesive plan. Conservatives like Texas Senator Phil Gramm leave alone offer their own bill which will incorporate less government control and they will aggressively pursue its passage. His plan called for employers to provide each employee with $3,000 to put into a medical savings account to devote medical bills (Just the beginning, 1993, p. 64). To cover bills above $3,000, companies would pay $1,500 per employee for catastrophic insurance.

Unions, such as the Teamsters; the Oil, Chemical, and nuclear Workers; and the Communications Workers of America do not agree with Saltz. They do not see the battle for the single-payer system as beingness over.

In fact, according to Teamster Bill Urman, his union has deep collected 200,000 "Teamstergrams" from members urging President Clinton to support a single-payer health care plan. The messages also called for labor-law reform and a renegotiated free-trade agreement.

Other conservatives intend that a proposal offered by the Heritage Foundation, a upper-case letter think tank, makes greater sense. This plan would also have individuals sully their own health insurance, but would enable them to do so through the use of tax credits. Premiums would be fully refundable for the poor. Employers would not be asked to provide insurance, nor would there be a compulsory level of benefits. Companies currently providing coverage would have to turn over to employees the cash value of the premiums.

Eventually, Clinton approved the Magaziner proposal nearly intact, with a slightly longer phase-in. Price controls were dropped, but many economists regarded the caps on insurance premiums as almost as harmful. The requirement that businesses pay 80 percent of health care premiums was hardly debated and survived unaltered (Garland & Magnusson, 1993, p. 44).

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